Since the third task hypothesis goes further Giuseppe Conte As a solution to the governmental crisis, the majority parties and Quirinale are intent on playing a complex game of chess to determine the uncertain future of the legislature. In recent days we have provided an account of the fact that Sergio Mattarella cannot fail to assess the reaction of Italy’s allies and international representatives in the decision-making process of the future tenant of Palazzo Chigi, in this uncertain situation at the global level.

With Moral pressure And indirect conditioning, the United States of America And theEuropean Union They’ve already made it clear that the change of guard at Palazzo Chigi won’t shock them. Betrayed by the illusion of dispensation that Conte settled on long ago.

The game quickly becomes understandable: Conte agrees that the choice is between a third assignment and returning to the polls, where numerous opportunities can arise for building a personal list and continuing his political experience; The Democratic Party and the Five Star Movement With the words they see is indispensable, they are in fact afraid to vote how much Italy FIFA, In which one can find affinity for a third name for Palazzo Chigi. Depending on his choice, the Renzins will have a decisive impact force. Independent (Luciana Lamorgese, Marta Cartabia, Carlo Cottarelli Of the most famous names) or political figure: In any case reported by Italian business Taking Shares in Conte’s predecessor, Paolo Gentiloni.

Marco Antonellis He actually explains that among the main sponsors of the former prime minister to return to Palazzo Chigi there would be allies from all over the Atlantic: Gentiloni, among the names Renzi could suggest to his allies (for now), “The name is also welcome in the Biden White House.” The new (who also loves Guerini). The post-Brexit United States with Brexit (and given the poor relations with France and Germany) lacks a “gendarmerie” within the European Union. Even community advisers will definitely not raise their noses, given that Gentiloni, currently Commissioner for Economic Affairs Written by Ursula von der Leyen, on good terms with the entire Brussels apparatus and has the advantage of being, in recent weeks, a critic of the same CEO who appointed him to the European office. He called on him to make greater efforts in the recovery fund and to respect European rules.

How can the political forces meet Basem Gentiloni? In this context, the Democratic Party would benefit from returning to Sheigi Palace One of his deputies saved the face of the secretariat of Nicolas Zingaretti, who was surprised by the recent crisis; Renzi will receive the decisive victory in the war Personal advertisement Against Conte and what he believes is a decisive gift before the new US administration (which, in his calculations, will guarantee him an increase in his chances of being appointed Minister of NATO) with the ouster of “Trump” Giuseppe. The five stars Second Dagosbia They will get it… the chair. This is to ensure that the legislature continues until the white semester in Mattarella, starting next summer, and conversely until 2022. Dagosbia He suggested that for Conte, in this context, there could be some kind of job management to avoid him being a thorn in the side of his previous majority by appointing, instead of Gentiloni, to von der Leyen’s team.

This is, in one way or another, the political structure upon which the accounts of Renzi, the main sponsor of the return of his former foreign minister to the Sheggy Palace, intend to act. But is this a feasible maneuver, and above all a positive solution for the state system? We have our doubts.

in the first place, Very little will change in the CEO’s watermark. Handing Palazzo Chigi to the Democratic Party would mean, for the Gilorossi, extending the five-star executive team and giving the Renzee ministries weight. The division that will have an opening in the increase in tensions and bullish games within the majority and in the decline in the long-term prospects for the new executive A reckless game in the face of the imminent start of the heated phase of negotiations over the recovery fund and the arrival of the economic spring storm (the end of the layoff freeze, the risk of a liquidity crisis, banking problems).

Second, Gentiloni is the character who has shrunk dramatically in the past year and a half as European Commissioner. He held a heavy position, the former prime minister was commissioned by a Latvian hawk Valdes Dombrowskis, Vice President von der Leyen, who deals with key economic issues, from debt to recovery, leaves him little room for appreciation. Gentiloni’s return to Rome would bring the prime minister to power, diminishing political credibility and influence in the face of international advisories. The total insult would be, after all, to exchange a politician’s return to his homeland reduced by half in its importance for replacing him in Europe with a marginalized figure like Count without the tools of government power. Facing the United States, Gentiloni could not guarantee anything but the traditional status quo, not the great evidence of the maturity and assertiveness of coordinating common strategies in hotspots like the Mediterranean that today’s context demands.

So, in essence, we might hold ourselves so well if the alternative were the rise of the Count’s authority (Gentiloni comes from a family of noble lineage). The gambit aimed more at satisfying the international representatives of the Democratic Party and Italy FIFA than proposing a solution for the country’s future, even if it is not constitutionally excluded, will be, in essence, short-sighted. The country does not need to specify the number that will take responsibility for the discontinuity measure: it needs the certainty that the answers the country is asking for about action, fighting the epidemic, and development will arrive. Never yet power games far from the deepest feeling of Italians.